The Pitfalls of South Sudan’s Diaspora Engagement: What is at stake and the way forward? Part I,

The luminaries of the ruling Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) in South Sudan have repeatedly made public utterances calling for South Sudan’s Diaspora to return home and contribute to its development. On the surface, these calls seem genuine because running new institutions in a new country need requisite skills which some people in the Diaspora tend to have. However, on further examination, one finds that those advocating for Diaspora’s return actually do not have a policy framework on how to attract South Sudanese with those required skills. What they mean when they invite Diaspora is an ad hoc voluntary return, which few people in Diaspora could do.

As I wrote privately to one of my friends last year, this approach has serious shortcomings. Here are the reasons I say so: It assumes that those in Diaspora have no responsibilities or commitments in their new adopted countries.It gives the Government some comfort that its current ad hoc persuasive call for South Sudan’s Diaspora to return is working. It puts the onus of patriotic volunteerism on Diaspora, some of whom go back and wait for months without getting jobs.It also gives those working for the government and who hold the view that skilled Diaspora are their natural competitors in the job market an opportunity to scuttle meaningful Diaspora engagement.

Of the four reasons I have provided above, I would like to examine the last point for the purpose of this piece, because it is the biggest impediment to the successful Diaspora engagement as well as to public service reform. The majority of those who currently hold government positions were not appointed on the basis of merits. Some got their positions based on military hierarchy during the war, a good number was appointed on whims of politicians, while others got in because their relatives call shots in the corridors of power in Juba. This is not to say that those who partook in the war of liberation do not deserve certain recognition or are qualified. All I am saying here is that their recognition must be compatible and commensurate with their skills.

Those who got their positions on the basis of approaches I have listed above are highly intolerant to merit based system. To them, merit, presents a grave threat to their entitlement. The resistance it evokes whenever merit is mentioned is exemplified by how Madam Awut Deng, the former minister of public service was frustrated when she attempted reform the civil service. Partaking in war of national liberation versus merit based system The culture of resistance to reform on merit-based system is supported by the logic that government appointments as they stand today must be based on one’s participation in the war of national liberation. The logic goes: I am a war hero, therefore, I am entitled to a government position, which in turn confers powers on me to seek advancement for my relatives regardless of whether they can do the job or not. While this logic is an accepted modus operandi in job allocations in Juba, I think it needs rethinking. The picture it presents ignores many crucial questions. Were those who fought and fell during the war fighting for their self-enrichment when independence is achieved or were they fighting for greater good for South Sudanese? Secondly, are government positions entitlements to be enjoyed without accounting for the deliverables? Thirdly, does one’s credibility as a war hero translates into heroism in the post-war era without the delivery of what was promised during the war? These questions are worth asking, because they speak to post-independence experiences of many African countries.

In his analysis of Ngugi Wa Thiong’o “Petal of Blood”, Craig V. Smith captures the frustration Ngugi felt at the excesses of the Kenya’s post-colonial leadership. According to Smith, Ngugi questioned the relevance of credibility conferred on Kenya’s anti-colonial leadership solely on their contribution to the national liberation without a corresponding assessment of whether they have stuck to the ideals they fought for. For Ngugi, credibility as an anti-colonial leader guarantees no automatic credibility as a national, post-colonial leader. According to Smith, Ngugi questioned the legitimacy- deficit of the post-colonial leaders who ignore their constituencies, mix politics with private enterprise, use their positions to enrich selves and families, and focus on preserving their privileges rather than extending and developing human and economic potential. To keen observers who have been following developments in South Sudan since 2005, all the things Ngugi was inveighing against in 1970s are the same challenges South Sudan is wrestling with today and it will continue to wrestle with them for a foreseeable future. For example, it is an open secret that constitutional post holders mix politics with private enterprise. Some government ministers own businesses that win procurement contracts from the ministries they are heading with no regards for values and ethics.

Some politicians sit on the board of directors of foreign companies that require the protection of a big man. This is done notwithstanding questionable business practices these companies exhibit. All this is done with no due consideration to consequences of blurring the lines dividing public and private spheres, especially for those in the public service. When legitimate concerns are raised about these practices, those who question and bring these issues to light are either dismissed as people who did not participate in the struggle or they are intimidated like Deng Athuai, the leader of South Sudan Civil Society Alliance who was recently kidnapped and tortured for speaking out……part II to follow Madut Majok

Statement on Mr. Deng Athuai Kidnapping in Juba

As we take pride in South Sudan's first anniversary, we also need to express our collective worries over the trend and methods employed to silent those who express public sentiment about corruption in the country.

We should be worried, because the ability to speak one's mind on national issues without any fear of being persecuted is the litmus test to true freedom and citizenship. It is something South Sudanese should defend irrespective of their political leanings. Personally, this year's anniversary has been tainted by the callous actions of those who kidnapped and gruesomely tortured the leader of South Sudan's Civil Society Alliance, Mr. Deng Athuai.

South Sudan can not afford to emulate Khartoum with respect to how its treat those who express divergent opinion. Many people who fell during the war, both combatants and non-combatants didn't die for the replication of the system they abhorred. No one who voted for independent South Sudan would like to see the continuation of policies they rejected from Khartoum in their country.

The current leadership in Juba needs to reassure the apprehensive public that they are different from Khartoum by expeditiously investigating and bringing to book those who are behind Mr. Athuai kidnapping and gruesome beating. The same applies to the case of Mayol Kuch who was murdered by those who show no hesitation to torture citizens at will.

Equality of Opportunities

We South Sudanese pride ourselves in our ardent belief in equality of opportunities and this belief was one of the reasons among others that caused the protracted war that was resolved by partitioning the country.

However, the problem our people fought successfully to eliminate is rearing its ugly head presently. It seems our "benefactors": Non-governmental Organizations, chief among them the United Nations Mission in South Sudan have taken the mantle of discrimination from where they north left it off. These entities have created a sub-category of employment referred to as “national" where they fit any person of South Sudanese origin regardless of his/her qualifications or the passport he/she holds.

Amazingly, Kenyans and Ethiopians qualify for the perks allotted to the so called expatriates at the expense of South Sudanese, some of whom are graduates from the same universities as Kenyans who are preferred by our “benefactors”. This binary of nationals versus expatriates is creating uncalled for marginalization of south Sudanese, because it confines them to the lowest end of pay-scale as well as limiting their advance career-wise.

And wait a minute; what makes this issue interesting is that it is actually sanctioned by South Sudanese politicians who seem to have imbibed the narrative of South Sudanese as unskilled. I have not heard of any politician who has been quoted in the media questioning the basis of consigning the talented Southerners to the so called national category in the NGOs’ employment. This silence presupposes approval of this repugnant practice that prevents south Sudanese from being hired at the level commensurate with their skills.

It is high time that the government of the Republic of South engages its partners in the NGO world to end this discriminatory practice. No rational government would ever condone the marginalization of its citizens.

Generosity

The year 1991 will live in the memory of many Sudanese refugees. That’s the year we were forced out of the Ethiopian refugee camps after the collapse of the communist regime in that country and went back to our native Sudan. For thousands of us who re-entered the Sudan through Pacholla, a border town on the Sudan-Ethiopia border, our challenges were immense as soon as we set foot in the town.

A garrison town, Pochalla was heavily mined by the Sudanese army before it was sent packing by the Sudan People’s Liberation Army, the SPLA. It made moving around extremely dangerous. Adding to our discomfort was that we arrived along with seasonal floods.

These two phenomena curtailed the options of many relief agencies which had established their presence in the area as soon as we arrived. The threat of mines, for instance, prevented the expansion of a small airstrip which could have allowed bigger relief planes to land. The flood, on the other hand, made the relief agencies cautious of sending in a relief convoy via dilapidated seasonal roads, which were the trademarks of south Sudan then.

In the face of these formidable challenges, the presence of the International Committee of the Red Cross could not erase the ominous shadow of starvation hanging over us. We wore gloomy faces as we talked with nostalgia about the food we enjoyed in Pinyudo refugee camp in Ethiopia. Food was the preoccupation in every discussion we held every evening. It crept into every sentence uttered in every conversation. Despite the danger, we didn’t even contemplate our safety in Pochalla. Indeed, there was an air raid one week after we arrived and we didn’t speculate about the likelihood of the Sudanese army repeating the raid. All this was relegated to the bottom of any discussion. Any faint spark of energy left in our bodies was devoted to the next morsel of food we could scrounge and would it ever be enough.

Some of us who contemplated returning to Ethiopia were held back by the thought of being repatriated to the Sudan by the new government. At least that was the message that was rammed into our feeble minds: the new government in Ethiopia was formed by a Sudanese-based rebel group which would not hesitate to deport us to Sudan given their long held ties with the Sudanese government. The accuracy of the statement on outright deportation to Sudan by Ethiopian authorities is still debatable to this day, but that is not the point of this story, dear reader. The point of the story is how our desperation was met with generosity, although it would take us awhile to recognize it.

As in most times of hardship, the quest for survival tends to weaken the ties of friendship between boys in a big group. We started to dread larger gatherings for the obvious reason that such association makes it hard to share whatever minimal food we had beyond the rationed common share. The comradeship developed among us boys who crossed to Pochalla from Ethiopia was replaced by a tighter, smaller group of friends who shared the little that was available. These small groups also discussed survival strategies in low tones. There were four of us in our group. Majong Lual, Tong Aleu, Tang Nyuot and myself. Majong, who was a little bit older than us, was the natural leader and often took the lead in the inevitable discussion of what we could do to survive starvation. Again and again, we toyed with the idea of returning to Ethiopia. But each time we talked about it, the fear of being repatriated to the Sudan held us back from executing our plan.

Majong told us one day that the only option left for us was to go to the neighbouring Anyuak villages to sell our labour. The Anyuak are a Nilotic-speaking people who are found both in Sudan and Ethiopia and whose economic activity revolves around crop production, game hunting and fishing. They grow corn-maize at the start of the rainy season which they harvest in July and then immediately plant sorghum. Since it was a harvest time in the Anyuak villages, Majong correctly envisaged the Anyuak might need extra hands. On the other hand, there were reports of theft of Anyuak maize by some boys who preceded us to the village. This created strained relationships between villagers and those who were there to sell their labour. We heard reports that the Anyuak were killing boys like us.

Was it worth going? We met inside Majong’s makeshift shelter to thrash out our plan.
“You know as I do why the dire situation we are facing at the moment demands action,” said Majong, as we sat knee-to-knee on the ground. “We are responding to this predicament the way we are, because the result of inaction is certain death from starvation.”

“Do not use exaggerations to block candid debate on a crucial topic like this,” Tong Aleu interrupted. “There are other boys in this settlement who are stoically withstanding the pangs of hunger rather than risk going to the Anyuak villages.”

“If you are not willing to take risks in order to assure your survival, then you are in the wrong place, my friend,” Majong retorted. “It seems you have learned nothing from all we have been through,” he added. “For some of us in this room, taking risks is part of our survival strategy.”

He pauses to let his last sentence sink in. “Of course, we are not throwing caution out to the wind,” Majong continued, “but in a mindless fashion.” He seemed to have been affected by Tong’s statement. “What I wanted to say is that the risk we are taking must be guided by caution. Our quest for survival must be linked with our conduct in our daily interactions with the villagers. To ensure compliance in our conduct towards villagers, I want to make it clear to all of you that from now till we return to this settlement, I will have a final say in all matters affecting us while in the village. Without exception, anyone who wants to remain in this group must adhere to this rule.”

Known among us for flaunting rules, Tang protested. “It is inconceivable to consult one person every time we want to do things,” he argued appealing to us. Addressing Majong directly, he asked. “Why are you not allowing people to use their own discretion in certain situations?”

Majong’s rigidity of opinion is common knowledge to us and we didn’t want Tang to scuttle our last hope of doing something to escape our perpetual hunger. To hasten our departure, we sternly reprimanded Tang for trying to foil our plans and marshalled an agreement to all the conditions Majong demanded. No sooner had we agreed then a decision was arrived at that we would go to a village called Oguti, which is 12 miles from Pochalla.

We quickly ran back to our respective shelters to collect our meagre belongings and leave before we our resolve dissipated. We quickened our steps as we left the settlement to make sure that no one saw us and asked us where we were heading to. Each of us carried a long walking stick which doubled as a weapon in case of animal attack. Much of the journey was spent wading in water.

Exhausted and still hungry, we sat under a tree just beside the flood watermark. We did not rest for more than 10 minutes when a tall muscular man with an AK 47 slung on his shoulder appeared from the same direction we came from. He was wearing worn-out military fatigues which exposed his hairy chest. We could see as he approached us with jaunty strides that his eyes were bloodshot. He stepped out of the water and walked straight to us. He stood in our midst and peered at us as if we were not clearly visible. He looked away briefly and from then on avoided any eye contact. He didn’t utter a word or sit down to rest like we were doing. He just stood tapping the barrel of his gun gently.

We could see that the man was in deep thought, but we could not tell what he was thinking about. Was he pondering how to finish us off? Was he waiting for his colleagues who were possibly still behind before he started shooting at us to ensure none of us escaped? All these questions raced through our minds. Our hearts were beating wildly and we were all scanning the surrounding bush in case we needed to escape. Using the experience we gained from repeated violence inflicted on us by war, we feigned composure. Terrified as we were, we knew that any show of panic in a situation like this would hasten our demise. This tense situation dragged on for about 15 minutes until Majong summoned his courage and told us in a measured tone that he was going to stand up and walk towards the footpath and that we must follow him.

No sooner had he stood up and started walking towards the footpath, than we also shakily arose and wobbled in the same direction. I was shaking! We were all certain that our departure would prompt the man to act, but to our surprise he joined our ragtag parade silently. With the man walking towards the village with us, we resigned ourselves to prolonged agony. We couldn’t guess his intentions, but we cherished every minute he was sparing us. We walked for almost an hour when we saw smoke rising from the nearby village.

As we approached the village, the man quickened his steps and passed all of us, then turned around and addressed us in Juba Arabic. “Boys,” he said expressionlessly. “Follow me.”

We obeyed. He led us off the main foot path to a narrower path that led us to the first homestead at the edge of the village. There, we saw a crippled man sitting under a big fig tree and beside him was a rifle. The sight of the man with the rifle confirmed to us that our anxieties were not unfounded. We stood nervously as the two men exchanged pleasantries in the Anyuak language. For the first time, we realized that man was from the Anyuak ethnic group.

After their short conversation, he turned to us and told us to sit down. We sat down obediently, our nerves in complete flux. The next thing we heard was the crippled man shouting instructions to three boys who were playing at the edge of the corn-maize field. The instructions were said in Anyuak, of course, which none of us could understand, but the appearance of those boys 10 minutes later laden with corn-maize cobs suggested to us that perhaps this man was not who he seemed to us. Could he be our saviour? The boys put down their load and went off to find firewood which they would use to roast the corn-maize.

As the boys continued with their work, it dawned on us that the Anyuak whom we suspected as cold blooded murderers were the opposite. They were treating us as guests and displaying the pinnacle of hospitality in South Sudanese society!

Our hunger, which had been pushed down by fear, roared back ferociously at the sight of the corn-maize roasting. Even so, we were still a little bit suspicious. Majong was in the middle of warning us that these people may give as food to distract us and then execute their plan, when the man who brought us to the homestead stood up and addressed us.

“Boys,” he began. “My name is John Obot and I am the SPLA solider from Jamus (buffalo) battalion stationed in Pochalla garrison.”

“I am on my leave and travelling to my village near the Rad Mountains,” he continued. “I believe you have been wondering since I met you at the edge of the flood watermark why I waited for you and walked with you to this village. The reason is simple. I am aware of the starvation that has befallen the population of the displaced persons that moved back to Sudan from Ethiopia. I am also aware this situation has affected you, the unaccompanied minors, more than the general population.”

“So, when I saw you, my heart was saddened. In your faces I saw what I knew, what I expected.” His emotions almost overcame him as he was saying these words. We could see he was fighting back tears as he spoke. “I saw hunger in your faces,” he went on. “And I thought all I can do is to bring you here and get you something to eat before I proceed with my journey.”

“Now that this is done, I will continue with my trip. Please take care of yourselves during your stay at Oguti.” After these remarks, Mr. Obot left without even waiting to eat with us.

Stay Tuned

This is an announcement to the readers of this blog that I will shortly be posting a short story based on my displacement experience. This marks a major shift from what I intended this blog-spot for. When it was created in 2007, its goal was to help me share my first visit to Sudan in 20 years with my friends.

This time, I have made a decision to include short-stories, which literally turns this blog-spot into a forum where I am going to share my past, especially all the things I experienced during my four-teen years of displacement with you the readers.

The first story entitled "Generosity" will appear on this forum soon. So, please stay tune!

Madut

Why the Indictment of President Al Bashir will be a welcome relief to Sudanese People.

The news that the International Criminal Court (ICC) is going to rule on the long awaited case of Sudan’s President, Field Marshal Omar Hassan Al Bashir is historic. It is historic in the sense that if the judges, as anticipated, deliver the verdict calling for the arrest of the President, that ruling will not only signal the end of impunity in the Sudan, but will also act as a relief for all the marginalized Sudanese whose rights have been unjustifiably suppressed with sword since Sudan gained independence in 1956.

As everyone awaits the court ruling, the elites in the governing National Congress Party (NCP) and the so called experts of Sudan’s affairs personified in Alex de Waal are sending mixed signals to the international community. At times, they evoked the prospect of retribution to UN peacekeepers in the Sudan or paint a gloomy picture of Sudan descending into anarchy or for the case of NCP, threaten to revisit their Islamic roots if Al Bashir is indicted. But all these are outdated manoeuvres aimed towards postponing the urgency of the situation the NCP has created in the first place through its initial pursuit of exclusive theocratic governance which sanctified the killing of those considered to be the other. It is the sanctified killing of S. Sudanese during the SPLA –GOS war that was transferred to Darfur with vigour at the expense of religious solidarity. In light of these, all the arguments presented by the NCP and De Waal are not of any substance.

Take for example, the threat of the NCP returning to its Islamic roots. Who will really support that return to narrow minded approach whose consequences the party is reeling on at the moment? Besides, the NCP with its facade of being a rampart for the Islamic religion in the Sudan is not oblivious of the fact that the use of religion as a subterfuge for controlling national resources and political power has been fatally wounded by its own actions in Darfur. The NCP continual referral to it (religion) is meant as a deterrent to policy makers in foreign capitals.

The NCP is aware that the prospect of Sudan reverting to its previous support for terrorism will create anxiety in certain countries and is effectively prepared to use it as a bargaining chip in demanding the deferral of the indictment against the President. However, despite this strategy, the truth still remain that the majority of Sudanese support the arrest of this President. They consider the indictment of the President who called himself a leader of all Sudanese people and who has never felt any hesitation to murder the very people he purports to lead as the opening of a new chapter in the Sudanese history, the chapter in which dialogue and not force will take the centre stage in the resolution of national challenges.

It is incumbent at this hour for all the Sudanese of good will from all the corners of our great republic to stand on guard at this moment of anticipation. Never lower your defences in the face of this alleged turmoil promised by the oppressors of the marginalized and their so called experts who are leaning credence to the nonsense of Sudan descending into anarchy if Al Bashir is indicted. This is our moment. The NCP has no capacity to destabilize the country in our watch! The habitual tendency to kill ordinary citizens who oppose divisive and callous policies has come to an end in the Sudan. The language of violence is no longer a monopoly of the few who have utilized it for a very long time to the detriment of others. We all speak it today. The only different is that the oppressed speak it within the confine of justice while the tyrant in his desire to oppress ignores justice and this has finally brought him to the verge of his waterloo. Long live the Sudanese people

US of A Elections

I am joining millions of people around the globe who are gripped by the anxiety about the outcome the historic elections in United States of America tonight. I believe whichever way it goes tonight, history has been made and barriers have been knocked down.

ANARCHY IN WESTERN BAHR EL GAHZAL STATE: The “Fertit” / “Sudanic” Tribes Marginalized and Abused by the SPLM

By Elias Nyamlell Wakoson

The events of Monday, August 4, 2008, in which the Governor of Western Bahr El Ghazal State, Gen. Mark Nyipouch, ordered the arrest of seven top State members of the SPLM from the Fertit (Sudanic) tribes and Dinka Marial Bai (Wau) is unfortunate, to say the least. The Wau event is the culmination of over three years of anarchy in the State, marginalization, vicious nepotism, and savage tribalistic domination of the Fertit (Sudanic) tribes and Dinka Marial Bai (Wau) by a governor who claims to do all these evil things in the name of “Greater Luo.” Yet Governor Mark Nyipouch is a member of the SPLM, a party that sacrificed millions of lives for the sake of stopping marginalization, a party that claims to bring peace, equality, justice, democracy, and prosperity to the people of the New Sudan. Why has Mark Nyipouch violated all the noble principles of the SPLM with impunity? I think the answer lies with the SPLM, itself. Either the SPLM is not serious, or some SPLM members are more equal than others, and can violate all the tenets of the party with impunity.

The misgovernance and wanton abuses of authority have been going on in Western Bahr El Ghazal State since the inception of the state. The victims of the mismanagement of Western Bahr El Ghazal State have made numerous petitions to the top leadership of the SPLM and GOSS, but to my amazement, no concrete actions were taken to rectify the situation. The patient victims, including myself, of the dirty government in Western Bahr El Ghazal, first adopted the prudent course of action of wait, things will improve, since the SPLM leadership, and GOSS cannot allow one person and his crooked cronies to destroy a state and the SPLM Party.

The Fertit consider me their senior representative in the SPLM hierarchy. They made the same petitions to me. I talked to the top leadership of the SPLM about the problems of Western Bahr El Ghazal State. All I got was, we shall do something about it, but nothing was ever done. I ran out of patience and decided to keep quiet; hoping the leadership of the Party will listen to the agonizing wailing of my people. I was wrong and the perpetrators gained confidence in political and administrative abuse of my people. It is for this reason that I have decided to go public with the case of my people. I can no longer stand aside and see my own Party comrades marginalize my own people without regard to the tenets of the very Party I have dedicated my whole life to serving.

I have gone public to save my political party, the SPLM, from disintegrating, in not only Western Bahr El Ghazal State, but also the whole Sudan. The collapse of the party in one state is a bad signal for all the other states. That is why I have dedicated myself, in Northern Sudan, with the leadership of the SPLM Northern Sector, to build the party

In the north: I traveled to Shendi, Ed Damer, Atbara; traveled by train via Abu Hamad to Old Halfa; traveled for over sixteen (16) hours at night through a roadless mountainous desert terrain to Dongola; (in Dongola I had a near death incident in which my ferry quit working and the boat was floating aimlessly downstream.) ; then to Merowi and to Khartoum through small towns. Our trip also took us to Wad Medani, then Gedaref, and Kassala. I went to Damazine, and I traveled to Kadugli. I went to El Geneina and El Fasher. Numerous rallies in the Khartoum State. Why did I do all these? Basically, for the love of my political party and in fulfillment of Dr. John Garang de Mabior’s dream of building the SPLM from Nimule to Wadi Halfa and from Kassala to El Geneina. In the company of SPLM Deputy Secretary General, Northern Sector, Yassir Said Arman, I fulfilled Garang’s dream. When we arrived Old Halfa and seeing the multitude that received us, I looked at Yassir Saeed Arman, and tears rolled down my cheeks—I said to myself, it should have been Garang, but….This short experiential narrative shows that no body is more SPLM than I am or my people in Western Bahr El Ghazal. It is for this reason that I raise my voice, publicly, so that we all stop SPLM state officials from marginalizing and abusing other SPLM members.

I was once to go to Wau to try to resolve the ongoing problems. For some reasons, my trip was frustrated by people in the Secretary General’s office. I asked for explanation from the Secretary General and never got one till today. In Wau, rumors were circulated that I was going to campaign for the replacement of the governor—not true. The SPLM office gave me a car that stopped on the road. I had to borrow a car from a friend for my trips. The rally I was supposed to make was frustrated and I cancelled it. Now looking back, there was a concerted effort from the Greater Luo group to marginalize me in my own hometown—oh! God help us. Worst was the news from my governor. While I was in Juba, a senior SPLM member asked me why did you not tell the governor you were coming to Wau, and why did you not visit with him? I said, I did both. Mr. James Lual went from Juba to Wau to prepare for my visit. I also sent an advance team, who met with the governor. Yet the governor told the Senior SPLM member that, when I went to Wau I did not see him. Big lie because we went with the Secretary General of the Party for the State, Mr. Effisio Kuanj, and sat and talked for a while. Make your own judgment.

In the pre-convention period, many complaints were launched against the governor. SPLM headquarters responded by sending senior officials to Wau, yet nothing tangible came out of the meetings. The whole situation boiled down to the Fertit and Dinka Marial Bai (Wau) wanted to boycott the National Convention. I pleaded with senior Fertit members not to boycott the convention because it would mean the beginning of the fracturization of the party in Western Bahr El Ghazal State. Working behind the scenes, I succeeded to convince the Fertit group to go to the convention. That may be one of the reasons they elected me to the National Liberation Council, after rebuking me for not paying much attention to my constituency by going there. I said mea culpa three times.

At the end of the convention, in Juba, I called for the meeting of all National Liberation Council members of Western Bahr El Ghazal State, including our governor, and we met in his hotel. I briefed the governor about the complaints against him. I told him in clear terms that he should work on overcoming tribalism and nepotism. I promised the governor I would work with him to overcome his problems with the Fertit. I suggested to him that, he should organize a tour of the state for all the National Liberation Council members of the state to talk to people about peace and reconciliation. Above all, I said it would boost his image when the Fertit see him in the company of high profile Fertit SPLM members. I also told him that he was governor for the whole state and not only the Jur and he should stop picking quarrels with subordinates. These were my goodwill gestures to our governor, and I told him in his face, not behind his back. The governor went to Wau, ignored me, and never changed his old ways.

Governor Mark Nyipouch does not want to be helped. The incident to arrest people without the due process of the law is wrong. Detaining people under house arrest without charges is wrong. Firing people from their jobs without any good reasons is wrong. The list goes on.

People are very angry in Wau, and Wau is at the brink of a violent eruption. I am talking to people to be calm, but without my presence, anything can happen. The steps taken by the SPLM leadership is commendable, but it falls short of taking the issue of the Fertit and Marial Bai Dinka serious. Here I am the most senior member of the Fertit group in the SPLM, and I am not asked to help. My people are already saying, the fact that the leadership has ignored me means that they consider the Fertit are not a political force to reckon with. This is sad and ….

In conclusion, I want to appeal to all SPLM members of goodwill that Western Bahr El Ghazal State needs a change in SPLM leadership. We cannot condone the excesses of one person at the risk of fracturizing the party. I stand commit to the SPLM’s unity, but I cannot forever profess this unity when my people are being senselessly abused. I know the SPLM is not comfortable with public discourse that challenges some of their doing, but when they close the door for internal quiet discourse, I have to take the risk of speaking publicly, come what may come. I love the SPLM, and I love my people, not for tribalistic reasons; I liberated myself from tribalism over fifty years ago, but because I hate and abhor somebody using tribalism to exploit others. This is contrary to all SPLM principles, and I am ready to die for the noble SPLM tenets. The SPLM has noble universal tenets and everybody must defend these tenets even if it may cost one’s life as it has consumed the lives of our martyrs, whom I weep for everyday. Let us all save Western Bahr El Ghazal State from degenerating into anarchy.

To the angry Fertit and Dinka Marial Bai (Wau), be calm and avoid violence against those who mistreat you. Violence breeds violence, so that is not an option for us. Be calm and most importantly, remaining SPLM. Individuals do not equal SPLM, thus the SPLM will resolve our problems, and I hope quite soon.

I have nothing personal against the governor, but there has been too much smoke in the air for one to ignore that there is fire that causes the smoke.

My view on central question of Unity and Separation in the Sudan

By Madut A. Majok

I strongly believe that many Sudanese from all the four geographical regions of the Sudan do not want to dismember the country. The blame on separation which is a likelihood for the case of South Sudan lies squarely on elites from Northern Sudan who were and are still hell bent to defined Sudan in their own image without due consideration to its rich diversity.

Whatever southerners, Dafurian and people from Eastern Sudan decide in the future should be viewed as a reaction to perennial injustices they have endured since Sudan gained its rightful place among independent nations in 1956.

Surely, separation will come, but its achievement is not the wish of many Sudanese as mentioned earlier. The injustices meted out on south Sudanese and now on people of Darfur have made many Sudanese from peripheral regions to view separation as the only viable solution.

If our compatriots from the North are serious about Sudan’s unity, they should take it as a matter of urgency to identify themselves with the marginalized people and not with those of Naife Ali Naife and other bigots. With Naife speaking on their behalf, the marginalized will always consider Naife’s continuity to spew poison as the signal for us to part ways.

More efforts needed to cope with peace implementation – UN

From Sudantribune site Friday 15 August 2008 05:30.

August 14, 2008 (KHARTOUM) — UN envoy to Sudan stressed that more efforts are needed to cope with the implementation of a peace process as agreed in the 2005 deal. He also said a working Abyei roadmap can serve as catalyst for progress of the peace process.

Ashraf Qazi

Two days before to brief the U.N. Security Council on Saturday, Ashraf Qazi, the Secretary-General’s Special Representative for Sudan pointed out the fragility of the peace process and voiced concern over lack of progress in may outstanding issues.

Qazi welcomed the recent appointment of Chief and Deputy Administrator of Abyei area hoping that this step will accelerate the implementation of the others clauses of the roadmap in order to allow the return of Abyei displaced people.

The U.N. envoy urged the northern and southern Sudan troops to withdraw fully from a flashpoint oil region where last May fighting threatened to reignite civil war. Abyei clashes displaced up to 50,000 people and killed at least 89 others.

"We are urging both sides to fully complete their withdrawal so that the JIUs can deploy, patrol throughout the Abyei area," he said.

Qazi said pockets of both parties forces, who were "not large" and "not significant", still exist in the disputed Abyei area but that all forces had left town. There are around 300 soldiers who remain in the area.

However the envoy said "We do not see this as a major problem. It’s just a question of delays and we are engaged with both sides and I’m confident that soon these forces will have completely withdrawn from the area," said Qazi.

Under a roadmap for Abyei signed on June 8, north and south Sudan were to withdraw all their previous forces, deploy joint military units (JIUs) and appoint an administration to govern the area until a referendum on its fate in 2011.

The UN envoy also spoke about the interdependency of the different compounds of peace process in Sudan.

Qazi hoped that a National Electoral Commission (NEC) would be formed quickly and offered U.N. help for the preparation for the first democratic vote in 23 years.

Unconfirmed reports in the Sudanese capital say that Abel Alier could take the presidency of the NEC, the National Congress Party said it has no objection. The members of the electoral boy have to be neutral with no political affiliation with the political parties.

He also underlined the ongoing delay in the implementation of other outstanding issues like the demarcation of the 1 January 1956 boundary and the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration DDR.

With regard to the consequences of the ICC indictment, the head of the mission said they are prepared for such eventuality, but hailed Khartoum’s pledge that it will continue to cooperate with the UNMIS.

from: http://sudantribune.com

NCP commits another blunder in appointing a special prosecutor for Darfur War Crimes

By Madut A. Majok

The NCP has undoubtedly exhausted all options in its attempt to fight off the indictment against President Omar Al Bashir. If it had better alternatives it could have not settled for setting up another illegitimate prosecutor office like the one that failed earlier on to arraign Ahmed Haroun and Ali Kushayb.

Did Abdel Basit Sabdarat, the minister whose justice fell under his docket considers Sudan’s wounded reputation in the international circles when he issued his sham decree appointing a special prosecutor for Darfur War Crimes? Did he know that the international community has run out of patience with Sudan? Even the Chinese are now feeling the heat for supporting an ally that commit blunder after blunder.

If the intention of instituting prosecutor office three weeks after Al Bashir indictment is to evoke the ICC’s complimentary clause, then Mr. Sabdarat should have known the time he should have done that has gone. As observed by Dr. Hadi Shalluf, the defense counsel for Darfur, Sudan could have moved to prosecute war criminals a long time ago.

If the NCP is really serious about prosecuting Darfur war criminals, let it starts by firing both Haroun and Kushahb from their ministerial positions and detain them in Kobar prison before it tells the world about the sham prosecution office. It should have been clear by now that feet dragging is detrimental at the long run. The noose on Al Bashir neck is tightening each day and salvaging him from the ICC jaws require drastic actions not mere shameful acts like setting up a politically motivated prosecution office.

Governor Nypoch detains 7 SPLM officials in Wau!

By Khartoum Monitor Staff Writer

The Governor of Western Bahr El-Ghazal State, Mark Nypoch has detained seven (7) top members of Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) in Western Bahr El-Ghazal State who are predominately from Fertit Tribes and Dinka Marial Bai (Marial Wau).

On Monday 4th August 2008, Nypoch issued arrest warrants for the former government officials in the state who have been relived from their positions two weeks ago on allegation of "conspiracy" against him (Nypoch).

The detained officials are: Col. Rezek Zachariah Hassan [Keresh by tribe) and former Commissioner of Raja County, Lt. Col. Wol Madwang [Dinka Marial Bai) and former Commissioner of Jur River County, Brig. Gen. Wol Akeich [from Dinka Marial Bai] and former Economic Advisor to governor Nypoch, Mr. Baptist Sebit Francis [Golo by tribe] and former Minister of Information and Communications of the government of Western Bahr El-Ghazal State, Uncle Anthony Ubur(an elder from Balanda tribe) and former Minister of Agriculture during the time of governor Dr. Michael Mili Hussein, and his son, Mr. Luka Anthony Ubur [Balanda by tribe a teacher by profession] and Chairman of the SPLM Youth in Western Bahr El-Ghazal State who was fired by March Nypoch, and Mister Anyar Anyar[Dinka Marial Bai] and former Minister of infrastructures in Western Bahr El-Ghazal State and now a Lecturer at the University of Bahr El-Ghazal.

Speaking to Khartoum Monitor Newspaper by phone from Wau yesterday, Col. Rezik Zachariah said they have been apprehended due to the fact that o Sunday, 3rd August 2008, they paid a visit to Marial Bai and enlightened the local population on the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in their capacity as SPLM officials, and upon their return, the governor ordered their arrest.

He said Nypoch also accused them of having forty (40) guns in their houses and when Nypoch's forces storm-searched their houses, there were no weapons found.

Col. Zachariah described what is happening in his state as "Nypoch's political tyranny", adding that Nypoch see them as "threats and adversaries" to him as long as they share one state and also as members of the SPLM as election time approaches in 2009.

The SPLM officials were arrested at 6:00 PM on Monday and are still in detention till now. When the news of the arrest of the seven SPLM officials reached Khartoum , some SPLM members from Western Bahr El-Ghazal State communicated with the First Vice President and President of the Government of Southern Sudan (GoSS), Let. Gen. Salva Kiir Mayardit and he (Kiir) ordered Nypoch to immediately release the detained SPLM officials (that very night), only that Nypoch did not "obey" Kiir's order, sources from Wau disclosed!

At the same time, sources from Wau divulged that when the news of the arrest of the SPLM officials reached different corners of Wau town late Monday evening, some disgruntled Dinka Marial Bai men and youth rushed to Nypoch's house in an attempt to revenge and also to the house of the SPLM Secretary General in the State, Mr. Kamil Wani [who was reported to have jumped over the fence] escaping death narrowly!

The same sources stated that, that phenomenon would have created another tribal conflict in Wau.

GoSS President Salva Kiir Mayardit on Tuesday sent his envoys from Khartoum and Juba to Wau to help rescue the situation. The State Minister at the Presidency, Joseph Lual Achuil and Kiir's Office Manager in Juba , Mr. Martin Madut arrived in Juab heading a high level delegation (which includes a brigadier from Sudan Security and National Intelligent) .

The committee headed by The State Minister at the Presidency, Joseph Lual Achuil met with the state government in Wau yesterday and the meeting ended at 2:30 PM and later met with the detained SPLM officials in detention centers and later the committee decided to release them.

Nypoch insisted that the detained officials be put under house arrest with police guarding them in their houses and insisted that the Wau police should be the one to investigate with them, but Achuil who leads the committee rejected and said his committee will investigate and take a report to GoSS President and SPLM Chairman, Salva Kiir in Juab—Sources in Wau disclosed.

It is also revealed that Kiir will summon Nypoch to Juba to explain why he arrested SPLM officials and vindicate his allegations.

Performance contracts are the way out from corruption and slow service delivery in S. Sudan.

By Madut A. Majok

A lot have been written about corruption and stagnation in service delivery to the people of S. Sudan since GOSS was formed in 2005. This out cry is justified, because the masses of S. Sudan and marginalized areas have endured the hardship for two painful decades of war. Now that peace is achieved, a lot of people are looking up to the government to provide services or at least to show them some direction towards self-reliance.

With significant resources from oil wealth and commitment of donors to fund reconstruction of S. Sudan, many people are surprised at GOSS’s inability to speed up service delivery. People have pointed fingers at corruption as an impediment and debated this point over and over again in many internet forums used by S. Sudanese. However, what people have failed to do in this continuous debate/discussion around this issue is to provide ways on how to tackle it. The discussions have often been overshadowed by political considerations to the point that in the process we are distracted from suggesting the way forward.

I believe many of us who have participated in the debates are coming to the realization that this morass will never be defeated unless we present our views on how to tackle it. This piece is my attempt to suggest what could be done to move things forward. I sincerely hope that some of you irrespective of where you reside around the globe will join hands with me and put forward our ideas on how GOSS should serve S. Sudanese.

In this article, I am suggesting three things GOSS must undertake to reverse the current trend:-

1. All levels of government in S. Sudan must be encouraged to apply performance contracts (PC) in their hiring process. A PC for the sake of clarification is a written agreement between a manager of a state enterprise who promises to achieve specific targets in a certain time frame and the government which usually promise to reward achievement with a bonus or other incentives[1].

Since performance contracts call for strong institutional backing in order to be effective, others will argue that S. Sudan does not have strong institutions to provide sufficient incentives and commitment of both parties to the contract. However, accepting lack of institutions argument as a reason why (GOSS) is not establishing strict results oriented hiring is to miss a point. By adopting PCs, GOSS will be making it easier for those responsible for hiring civil servants to set goals and evaluate achievements. It will also make it harder for the same people to hire incompetent relatives or tribesmen, because they know that PCs allow for stringent evaluation that gives positive incentives to excellent performance and negative ones for a shoddy job. Armed with this tool, GOSS could easily weed out both in competent and inefficient employees who are draining its treasury and are not productive.

2. All levels of government must make it a policy to educate employees at lower level to understand the relationship between remuneration and productivity. Every pound paid out to employees must be earned honestly. Everyone in S. Sudan from the farmer in the country side to the office worker in towns must sweat to make a living. Failure to enforce discipline among government workers is the surest way to failure. The same could be said with paying people who are not productive. Surely, we can not afford to encourage a culture where government jobs are seen as leeway to escape hard work. Last year in Wau, I saw government employees sitting under a tree and engaging in unnecessary conversation during work hours. In countries where work discipline is enforced; employees can do what I saw only during their break time. Tree shades are not substitute for offices unless those who indulge in this habit do not have clear job descriptions.

3. GOSS must be prepared to spend money on expertise that is not available in S. Sudan. Judging on how contracts are awarded since GOSS was formed and the kind of services delivered on behalf of GOSS, it is reasonable that GOSS disengaged itself from awarding contracts to briefcase companies own by nationals. Instead, GOSS must institute a competitive bidding process that is open to competent and reputable local, regional and international companies. To ensure delivery on contracts, all bidding companies must demonstrate requisite business integrity as well as financial and organizational competence. Any company without demonstrable business experience and organizational competence should be eliminated in the bidding process. This way, the government can deliver the required services instead of enriching few individuals who are smart enough to register companies on paper which are not backed by obligation to fulfil their contractual demand.

[1] Definition taken from Mary, Shirley and Lixin, Colin Xu Policy Research Working Paper titled “The empirical Effect of Performance contracts: Evidence from China.

Apologist, is this acceptable to you?

By Madut A. Majok

Oh, apologist of the Sudanese state, the supporters of rent seeking, the murderers of fellow compatriots, the assembly of greedy racketeers, the oppressors of the peripheral regions in the Sudan for the last 52 years, your days are numbered.

Violence, your alternative to dialogue in solving national issues has been neutralized by the heroic deeds of the marginalized. Religion, the vehicle you have used to rally the poor to support your greed has been betrayed by your own actions in Darfur and tainted by your support of international terrorism.

Instead of shouting slogans in the support of Al Bashir who has brought nothing to Sudan but shame, we are better off trying to find what we can do to heal the wounds inflicted on the marginalized people and to build a New Sudan on the premise of equality in citizenship, where we are all governed by the axiom: Equality for all and privileges for none? Apologist, is this acceptable to you?

President Al Bashir’s Indictment Complicates Issues for NCP

By Madut A. Majok

Sudanese, especially those who have suffered under the oppressive policies of NIF/NCP since it took power in 1989 received with joy the news that President Bashir has finally been indicted. This indictment is long overdue and has done justice to all Sudanese who have suffered untold atrocities in silence since Sudan gained independence in 1956.

While the crimes President Al Bashir is accused of committing are specifically related to Darfur, a judicious person will discern that NIF strategy in Darfur is not different from the Arabs in Sudan desire to kill diversity in the country. This was to be achieved by forcefully repressing South Sudanese resistance to Islam and Arabism while at the same time politicizing religion to rally Sudanese Muslims against the South. Religion became a subterfuge in the quest for Arabism, but the ultimate objective was to divide African population in Sudan and conquer it. Today, that veil of religion as a unifying force in Sudan to be utilized for the project of “Arabism” has been ruptured irreparably by this on going war in Darfur.

The timing of the indictment is problematic for Mr. President and he will have himself to blame for being caught off guard. Through shortsightedness and intolerance, Mr. President has weakened the entire safeguard that would have helped him in fending off ICC indictment. The following have dealt a fatal blow to President Al Bashir standing inside Sudan and among his peers in the international community.

1. His party coterie’s strategy of manipulative diplomacy and recalcitrance approach to international community has eroded trust for Sudan’s government diplomacy. No one today takes Khartoum seriously with the exception of Chinese who are bent on satisfying their energy demand at whatever cost. President Deby of Chad summed up this erosion of trust when he told radio France international on the side lines of African Union meeting two weeks ago in Egypt: "I don't need to meet (Sudanese President) Omar Hassan al-Bashir ... I'm for peace in this region, but I have no need to meet someone who has never kept his commitments. Deby’s words are manifestation how difficult it is for Sudan’s neighbors to trust Sudan’s intentions.

2. The Comprehensive Peace Agreement which in the first place safes President Al Bashir and his cronies’ skin from prosecution when Ahmed Haroun and Ali Kushayb were indicted is not being implemented faithfully. CPA is currently in its third year and many clauses have not been implemented. Border demarcation, transparency in oil revenues and the recent tragedy in Abyei all points to lack of political will to implement the agreement that brought some respite to NCP politically. These unresolved issues will prevent SPLM to forcefully support its peace partner in times of difficulties like this, a support without which NCP will not survive both international and domestic pressures.

3. The government reaction to the news of indictment is not helpful in anyway. Mr. Abdalmahmood Abdalhaleem Mohamad, Sudan’s ambassador to United Nations, a characteristically partisan attack dog for NCP, went on offensive today warning international community of grave repercussions if the ICC went ahead with the so called indictment. This warning is an empty shell, but it sets the stage for the Chinese to veto the indictment when it is presented to United Nations Security Council on the ground that it will jeopardize current efforts towards search for sustainable peace in Darfur. Undoubtedly, China will give President Al Bashir the life line he needs; the Chinese will surely veto the indictment when it comes before UNSC in exchange for oil supply. Nonetheless, whatever happens with this indictment, a point has been made that impunity can be punished no matter how long it takes.

4. Insincere pursuit of durable peace in Darfur. Khartoum currently is trying its best to divide the Darfur rebel groups. It does not like the idea of a unified position from anti-government groups in the region. To weaken these groups, the government is now maintaining that Justice and Equality Movement be excluded from any negotiation as a precondition for talks with Darfur rebels. To keen observers of Sudan politics, this is a ploy whose objective is peace by piecemeal with Darfur rebels. Khartoum knows that a unified position means more concessions on its side and a fragmented position means fewer concessions. Khartoum’s assertion that JEM must be excluded from the talks because of the daring attack on Omdurman flies in the face of logic. If everyone goes by that standard, then all the Darfur anti-government forces will cite scorched earth policies meted out against people of Darfur by Mr. Al Bashir government to reject any talks with it.


All the listed problems above are President’s Al Bashir and crew creation. With all the above issues pending and the ICC knocking at Mr. President’s door, the best antidote to all this is for him to surrender himself to ICC and advise his accomplices to do the same. This indictment has undoubtedly tipped the balance and pushed things to the point of no return. Things will never be the same again for Mr. President!

Announcement

For readers who were expecting more from this blog, I am hereby informing you that I will resume blogging in the first week of next month. Please stay tune.... I will be information on issues on Sudan, UN and education on conflict affected states....

A section on friends

Mayuen Makuach Akech: aka, Mayuen Turkana. He currently works for New Sudan Relief and Rehabiliatation Commission, an agency of South Sudan Government (GOSS).
From right, Alfred Ungum, Agacio Goch Deng Goch and Peter Gar Awar, aka, Strong-made. For those who were in Kakuma, Gar was in Nile primary school where played soccer for the school team. He was a formidable right back for the team.

My Family Members

My dad and I saying goodbye in Wau airport
A famliy group photo
My dad and my step mother his fourth wife
My dad with another step mother, his second wife
My step brother and the youngest in our family.
My dad and my step brother Anyar Majok
My little niece, Adut Akon, playing with a cell-phone
My dad
My dad looking at my degree
My sisters: from right: Dut Ajok, Akon Nyibol and Ajak Achock
My step brother, Bol Majok
My sisters again: From right: Adut, Ajak and Akuol

My Trip to Rural Area Around Wau

A distant uncle, Mr. Malual Agieu, sips traditional brew.

Seen in this photo is my cousin Achan Bol Ngor who is separating flour from sorghum which she will later pound using a mortar and pestle. This is the method used in the rural areas, as there are no grinding mills. This method is also used for maize/corn.

This is a welcoming sign to the centre for recent returnees who come in a variety of ways. Some come from northern Sudan with assistance from International Organization of Migrations. Others come from neighbouring countries which is facilitated by IOM. And then there are others who come individually. The centre helps the first two groups with resettlement. The centre is located 4 miles outside Wau.

Centre for returnees

Typical Dinka houses in the rural areas

Dinka house

Me having a taste of wild fruit I have not eaten for long time

The road shown above was constructed recently, courtesy of a multi-trust donor fund. It start from Yithliet to Kuacjok and from Kuacjok to Gorial. The road between Wau and Yithliet is dilapidated. Traveling through it is a nightmare, vehicles are only able to drive 20 km/h.

The road between Wau and Yithliet mentioned above

This "small town" is called Tharkueng. It serves as headquarters of Nahr Jur county. This illustrates Dr. John Garang's point of "starting from scratch in South Sudan."

Maria-Wau police station. This small divisional headquarters was turned into a garrison town during the war by Sudan Armed Forces. The structural damages on the building were done by SAF. It is in serious need of repair, but it is competing with other pertinent services.

Marial-Wau is known for the Mahogany trees which are seen behind me. They number of trees behind me was estimated to be 104 before the war. There were 52 trees on each of the two rows. Unfortunately, the number has decreased due to logging when the government troops were stationed here during the war.

Seen in this photo is the water tank that used to serve Marial Wau residents. It was destored by SAF. It was also alleged that the pump generator was stolen by an army officer. The local population wants to reclaim it from the culprit, but the process is painfully slow.

Dormitory of Marial-Wau Primary School. Although the iron sheet roof is still intact, it leaks due to bullet holes. Rumour has it that drunk Sudanese Army personnel were firing guns inside the building which resulted into the dorm not being used by the kids.

Forest: Savanah grass land with trees

The state of roads is deplorable between Wau and Yithlieth. Here only cars with four wheel drive can travel on this road.

Toyota Land cruisers we were traveling in. Here, we are waiting for the driver who has gone to check if the car can make it through the mud.

Here is the fish vendor who rode his motorcycle 6 miles from Wau to buy fish cheaply. The vendor buys the fish for 8 pounds/kilo but sells it in Wau for 15 pounds. A huge profit!

Here the rural fishermen sell their catch. The guy who is holding the fish in the middle is my step brother Bol Majok.

Heap of fish

A fisherman casting his net

Men cross River Jur with their bikes on their shoulders. Bicycles are major mean of transport in South Sudan. People carry as many as 6 bags of charcoal at carrier of one bike.

Nice view of rural environment.